This authentication occurs automatically, and it is not possible to sign out of an IP authenticated account.Ĭhoose this option to get remote access when outside your institution. Typically, access is provided across an institutional network to a range of IP addresses. If you are a member of an institution with an active account, you may be able to access content in one of the following ways: Get help with access Institutional accessĪccess to content on Oxford Academic is often provided through institutional subscriptions and purchases. Particularly, language is a means of constructing femininity for kathoey. These findings show that language participates in the indexation of gender identity in Thailand. Kathoey renegotiate certain feminine pronouns, making them become part of their habitual use indexing femininity, while women use such forms to take certain interactional stances. The two groups attend to different aspects of feminine pronouns and make use of those aspects for taking different stances. Feminine pronouns are favored to a much greater extent by kathoey than by women. First-person pronouns are used most frequently by both groups. Overall pattern of self-reference term use in an online dataset among kathoey and among women were compared. It aims to illustrate how kathoey use self-reference terms, which are gendered in Thai, to position themselves in Thai society. Insofar as Buddhism becomes an instrument of national policy, freedom of action by members of the sangha could become severely limited even in the realm of religious affairs.This chapter examines the construction of gender identity through linguistic means among kathoey, male-to-female transgenders in Thailand. While the policies designed to integrate Buddhism within Thailand were successful, the efforts to use Thai Buddhism as instrument of national policy are more problematic.

The first was undertaken under the name of Thammathūt (‘Dhammic ambassador’) and the second as Thammacārik (‘wandering Dhamma’). In the 1960s, the Thai government has attempted to involve the Buddhist sangha in efforts to promote economic development among the Thai peasantry and assimilation of tribal peoples into Thai society.

As a result of reforms instituted at the end of the nineteenth century, several different traditions of Theravada Buddhism were united into a national religious system. It also carefully confronts the Buddhist literary evidence and earliest epigraphic and archaeological data, distinguishing material discoveries from legendary accounts, with special reference to the ancient Mon countries of Ramaññadesa (lower Burma) and Dvaravati (central Thailand).īuddhism in Thailand has been both subjected to integrative policies advanced by the Thai government and manipulated as an instrument for promoting national integration. Conversely, one may ask, what hard archaeological evidence is there for the advent of Buddhism in mainland Southeast Asia? This article reexamines the appropriation of the name Suvannabhumi in Thailand and Burma for political and nationalist purposes and deconstructs the connotation of the term and what it has meant to whom, where, and when. However, no Southeast Asian textual or epigraphic sources refer to this legend or to the Pali term Suvannabhumi before the second millennium AD. The locus classicus is the Sri Lankan Mahavamsa chronicle (fifth century AD) which states that two monks, Sona and Uttara, were sent there for missionary activities in the time of King Asoka (third century BC). Some Pali sources specifically link Suvannabhumi with the introduction of Buddhism to the region. Most scholars think that the generic name 'Golden Land' (Sanskrit, Suvarnabhumi Pali, Suvannabhumi) was first used by Indian traders as a vague designation for an extensive region beyond the subcontinent, presumably in Southeast Asia.

Kathoey in sanscrit